文章經(jīng)濟(jì)

拼音 : 文章經(jīng)濟(jì) (wén zhāng jīng jì)

簡拼 : wzjj

近義詞 :

反義詞 :

感情色彩 : 褒義詞

成語結(jié)構(gòu) : 偏正式

成語解釋 : 文章和經(jīng)世濟(jì)民之才。

出處 : 清·曹雪芹《紅樓夢》第115回：“世兄是錦衣玉衾，無不遂心的，必是文章經(jīng)濟(jì)，高出人上?！?/p>

成語用法 : 作賓語、定語；用于書面語

例子 :

產(chǎn)生年代 : 近代

常用程度 : 一般

人民日報(bào)整版文章論中國經(jīng)濟(jì)為什么行

聚焦中國經(jīng)濟(jì)新常態(tài)，中國經(jīng)濟(jì)增速比過去降低了，中國經(jīng)濟(jì)未來還行嗎？中國經(jīng)濟(jì)為什么行？人民日報(bào)理論版1月30日、3月10日、3月22日連續(xù)刊發(fā)15篇權(quán)威專家文章解析這一問題，文章認(rèn)為中國經(jīng)濟(jì)增長從高速轉(zhuǎn)向中高速，是在新常態(tài)下孕育轉(zhuǎn)方式調(diào)結(jié)構(gòu)的新突破，中國經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的基因依然強(qiáng)大?，F(xiàn)將15篇文章集納，讓我們一起探析中國經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展背后的秘密。

蔡昉：包容性發(fā)展延續(xù)中國奇跡

作者：中國社會科學(xué)院副院長

進(jìn)入“十二五”時(shí)期以來，我國人口紅利逐漸消失，經(jīng)濟(jì)增長從高速轉(zhuǎn)入中高速的新常態(tài)。如何通過改革獲得經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)穩(wěn)定增長的新紅利，包容性發(fā)展的“中國故事”仍然具有重要啟示意義。更加充分的就業(yè)、更加均等的基本公共服務(wù)供給以及更具分享性的收入增長，既是人民群眾的期待，也是改革的重點(diǎn)。【詳細(xì)】

戴焰軍：科學(xué)決策引領(lǐng)經(jīng)濟(jì)順利前行

作者：中共中央黨校黨建部副主任、教授

人們可以從不同角度分析支撐中國經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)快速增長的各種因素，但客觀回溯這30多年不難發(fā)現(xiàn)，在眾多因素中，絕大多數(shù)因素可能因不同決策而產(chǎn)生不同效應(yīng)。決策者是經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)行的導(dǎo)航者，對經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展起到把握方向的作用?！驹敿?xì)】

高培勇：深入的調(diào)查研究 廣泛的智力支持

作者：中國社會科學(xué)院學(xué)部委員、財(cái)經(jīng)戰(zhàn)略研究院院長

在對經(jīng)濟(jì)問題充分而廣泛的研討中，我們不斷總結(jié)經(jīng)驗(yàn)、校正方向，提升對經(jīng)濟(jì)規(guī)律的認(rèn)識水平。植根于如此沃土，我國政府駕馭經(jīng)濟(jì)能力自然不斷提高，政府作用發(fā)揮必然越來越好?！驹敿?xì)】

楊正位：對外開放助推經(jīng)濟(jì)快速發(fā)展

作者：中國世界貿(mào)易組織研究會

對外開放加速我國“新四化”進(jìn)程，增進(jìn)國民福利，緩解能源瓶頸，縮小國內(nèi)外技術(shù)差距，促進(jìn)國內(nèi)思想解放和體制變革，使我們開闊眼界、增強(qiáng)規(guī)則意識，顯著提高了我國的國際地位和影響力。【詳細(xì)】

胡家勇：市場機(jī)制激發(fā)經(jīng)濟(jì)活力

作者：中國社會科學(xué)院經(jīng)濟(jì)研究所

實(shí)踐證明，市場機(jī)制是迄今為止人類所發(fā)現(xiàn)的最為有效的資源配置工具。它以最快的速度、最低廉的費(fèi)用、最簡單的形式傳遞資源配置信息，使利益相關(guān)者能夠自主決策并作出迅速反應(yīng)，從而使各種資源處于有效流動和動態(tài)優(yōu)化配置之中?！驹敿?xì)】

趙晉平：中國奇跡將在新常態(tài)下延續(xù)

作者：國務(wù)院發(fā)展研究中心對外經(jīng)濟(jì)研究部部長、研究員

從中長期來看，較低的增速將成為全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的新常態(tài)。預(yù)計(jì)未來10—20年，世界經(jīng)濟(jì)增長速度將低于金融危機(jī)之前20年的平均值，大致保持在年均2.7%左右的水平。未來一個(gè)時(shí)期，雖然中國經(jīng)濟(jì)潛在增長率將自然回落，經(jīng)濟(jì)將呈現(xiàn)中高速增長的新常態(tài)，但從基本面看，有利于中國經(jīng)濟(jì)長期持續(xù)較快發(fā)展的因素仍然較多?！驹敿?xì)】

鄭功成：社會保障釋放強(qiáng)大正能量

作者：中國社會保障學(xué)會會長、中國人民大學(xué)教授

在談到中國經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)高速增長的奧秘時(shí)，人們往往更多關(guān)注經(jīng)濟(jì)政策以及投資、消費(fèi)、外貿(mào)三駕馬車的作用，而忽略社會保障的作用，有人甚至把社會保障當(dāng)成經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的包袱。事實(shí)上，現(xiàn)代社會保障制度在維護(hù)社會穩(wěn)定和保障民生的同時(shí)，還扮演著經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展助推器、經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)行穩(wěn)定器的重要角色?！驹敿?xì)】

穆榮平：抓住新科技革命的歷史機(jī)遇

作者：中國科學(xué)院科技政策與管理科學(xué)研究所所長、研究員

對于我國來說，經(jīng)濟(jì)快速發(fā)展的過程也是科技快速進(jìn)步的過程，而且科技進(jìn)步在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中的作用越來越突出。目前，我國科技整體水平大幅提升，一些重要領(lǐng)域躋身世界先進(jìn)行列，某些領(lǐng)域正由“跟跑者”向“并行者”“領(lǐng)跑者”轉(zhuǎn)變，已經(jīng)具備抓住新科技革命及產(chǎn)業(yè)革命歷史機(jī)遇的堅(jiān)實(shí)基礎(chǔ)?！驹敿?xì)】

李程驊：新型城鎮(zhèn)化開啟巨大發(fā)展空間

作者：南京市社會科學(xué)院副院長、研究員

在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展新常態(tài)下，隨著農(nóng)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)移人口市民化成本分擔(dān)機(jī)制、多元化可持續(xù)城鎮(zhèn)化投融資機(jī)制以及農(nóng)村宅基地制度等方面改革取得突破，新型城鎮(zhèn)化將開啟前所未有的消費(fèi)空間、投資空間和創(chuàng)新空間?！驹敿?xì)】

王忠宏 來有為：新經(jīng)濟(jì)增長點(diǎn)在孕育興起

作者：國務(wù)院發(fā)展研究中心研究員

近年來，在傳統(tǒng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長點(diǎn)發(fā)展趨緩的同時(shí)，一批新經(jīng)濟(jì)增長點(diǎn)正在孕育興起，顯現(xiàn)廣闊發(fā)展前景，成為促進(jìn)我國經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)增長的重要力量?！驹敿?xì)】

賈康 程瑜：不斷完善建設(shè)總布局

作者：財(cái)政部財(cái)政科學(xué)研究所

經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)是中國特色社會主義建設(shè)總布局的一個(gè)方面，經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)成就的取得與總布局的其他方面密不可分。正是因?yàn)槲覀儧]有只搞經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)，而是從“三位一體”到“四位一體”再到“五位一體”，在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展水平不斷提高的同時(shí)推動中國特色社會主義事業(yè)全面發(fā)展，才創(chuàng)造了令世人驚嘆的經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡?！驹敿?xì)】

陳錫文：“三農(nóng)”是中國奇跡的強(qiáng)大支撐

作者：中央農(nóng)村工作領(lǐng)導(dǎo)小組副組長、辦公室主任

1979年到2013年，我國國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值年均增長9.8%，占全球經(jīng)濟(jì)總量的比重從1.7%上升到12.3%，而農(nóng)業(yè)在國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值中的比重卻從28.2%下降到10%，但這并沒有改變農(nóng)業(yè)在我國國民經(jīng)濟(jì)中的基礎(chǔ)地位。我國有十幾億人口，如果我們自己解決不了吃飯問題，沒有誰能救得了我們，更談不上創(chuàng)造經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡。【詳細(xì)】

辜勝阻 吳 瞳：宏觀調(diào)控保障中國經(jīng)濟(jì)行穩(wěn)致遠(yuǎn)

作者：全國人大財(cái)政經(jīng)濟(jì)委員會、武漢大學(xué)

在每個(gè)發(fā)展階段，宏觀調(diào)控對于經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)行都發(fā)揮了至關(guān)重要的作用。這些作用主要體現(xiàn)在保持經(jīng)濟(jì)總量平衡，促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)協(xié)調(diào)和生產(chǎn)力布局優(yōu)化，緩解經(jīng)濟(jì)周期性波動影響，防范區(qū)域性、系統(tǒng)性風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，穩(wěn)定市場預(yù)期，實(shí)現(xiàn)經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)健康發(fā)展等?！驹敿?xì)】

李揚(yáng)：用好經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的基本要素

作者：中國社會科學(xué)院副院長

改革開放以來，我國經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之所以能取得舉世矚目的成就，原因就在于通過持續(xù)不斷的改革開放，激發(fā)了微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)主體的活力，動員和用好了經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的要素?！驹敿?xì)】

張占斌：從“三步走”到中國夢

作者：國家行政學(xué)院經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)教研部主任

在不同歷史時(shí)期和發(fā)展階段，根據(jù)人民意愿和事業(yè)發(fā)展需要，提出具有科學(xué)性、導(dǎo)向性和感召力的奮斗目標(biāo)，是我們黨團(tuán)結(jié)帶領(lǐng)人民推進(jìn)國家建設(shè)的一條重要經(jīng)驗(yàn)。改革開放以來，從“三步走”發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略到中國夢宏偉藍(lán)圖，黨提出的奮斗目標(biāo)有力地引領(lǐng)中國人民推進(jìn)社會主義現(xiàn)代化建設(shè)，創(chuàng)造了并將繼續(xù)創(chuàng)造中國經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展奇跡。
15篇詳細(xì)參考：人民日報(bào)15篇文章告訴你：中國經(jīng)濟(jì)為什么行
.cn/n/2015/0325/c49154-26747103.html

求高人用英語寫一遍經(jīng)濟(jì)類的文章

之前剛寫了一篇中美09年經(jīng)濟(jì)展望的論文， 呵呵 巧了。

Chinese economic outlook for 2009

From my point of view, generally speaking, china would forced to face many challenges in 2009 due to the undertaking recession issues, but in the global economic world, it would still be expected to act as one of the first countries to get recovered from the recession.

There are five major issues regards to Chinese economic condition in 2009. First, China will be challenged by the influence from international economic crisis. Secondly, due to the combination impact from the home and abroad, the macroeconomic regulation in China would become more complicated; in another word, it may result in a repeating domestic inflation and deflation. Thirdly, the above situations might have side-effects on Chinese stock market and real estate market; further, the small and medium companies might face serious liquidation issues. In Addition, there is a great possibility of a dramatic decline on the employment rate. Last but not least, it would become tremendous difficulty for government to maintain a balanced financial status and also inject further confidence into Chinese economic.

To sum up, from the above analysis, it is clear that the economic situation in China for 2009 is not in positive. However, with more focus on Chinese domestic market and increasing living allowances of our lower-income groups, it is possible to achieve a stabilized economic and social position even in such a serious condition.

求經(jīng)濟(jì)類英文文章(帶中文翻譯)

Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels.
In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries.
Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments.
Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior.
Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist .
One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980.
Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn?t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong.
The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis.
The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- i.e. its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium.
宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)是一種分場經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的行為,研究是在整個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)中,一旦所有的個(gè)人的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策,為公司和產(chǎn)業(yè)被。宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)認(rèn)為經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)象包括國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值(GDP)以及它是如何變化影響失業(yè)的國民收入的)經(jīng)濟(jì)成長率、價(jià)格水平。

相反,微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)研究的就是經(jīng)濟(jì)行為和決策的個(gè)體消費(fèi)者,公司和行業(yè)。

宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)可以用來分析如何影響政府的政策的目標(biāo),比如經(jīng)濟(jì)增長,價(jià)格穩(wěn)定,充分就業(yè)和獲取可持續(xù)國際收支差額。

宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)有時(shí)用來指一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)理論的主要途徑,包括長期戰(zhàn)略的期望和理性綜合行為。

直到30年代為止,大部分的經(jīng)濟(jì)分析沒有獨(dú)立的個(gè)人經(jīng)濟(jì)綜合行為舉止。與1930年代的經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條,遭受了在所有發(fā)達(dá)國家,發(fā)展國民收入的概念和產(chǎn)品的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù),但是研究領(lǐng)域的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)開始擴(kuò)展。具有特殊影響力的想法是,約翰?梅納德凱恩斯理論,努力向他們解釋制定了經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條。在那時(shí)候,綜合國民經(jīng)濟(jì)核算,如同我們知道他們今天,是不存在的。

經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的一個(gè)挑戰(zhàn)是一場斗爭調(diào)和宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)政策和微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)政策,模型。開始于20世紀(jì)50年代,macroeconomists發(fā)達(dá)micro-based模型的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)行為(如消費(fèi)函數(shù))。1月Tinbergen荷蘭經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家第一個(gè)全面發(fā)展國家宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)模型,該模型他第一次建成為荷蘭和后應(yīng)用于美國和英國二戰(zhàn)之后。第一個(gè)全球宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)模型,沃頓計(jì)量預(yù)測伙伴聯(lián)系工程項(xiàng)目,發(fā)生在勞倫斯發(fā)起克萊恩和被提及他的嘉獎經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)諾貝爾經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)獎1980年。

理論家如羅伯特·盧卡斯認(rèn)為(是在上世紀(jì)70年代),認(rèn)為至少有一些傳統(tǒng)的凱恩斯(英國經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家約翰梅納德凱恩斯)宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)模型都是可疑的,因?yàn)樗麄儾皇莵碓从诩僭O(shè)的個(gè)人行為,雖然現(xiàn)在還不清楚這些失敗在微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)的假定,或是對宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)模型。然而,最新凱恩斯主義的宏觀微觀模型提出了大致以支持他們的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)理論有爭議,一些凱恩斯主義者的想法,微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打個(gè)比方可能是,這樣的事實(shí),即量子phisics并不完全符合相對論?,并不代表沒有realtivity是假的。許多重要的微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)假設(shè)從來沒有被證明,而有些人的證明是錯誤的。

各種各樣的思想學(xué)派并不總是在彼此的直接競爭,盡管他們有時(shí)會達(dá)到不同的結(jié)論。宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)是一種前所未有的領(lǐng)域的研究。研究經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的目標(biāo)不是"正確",而是是精確的。很有可能是學(xué)校目前尚無一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)思想完全捕捉運(yùn)作方式的經(jīng)濟(jì)。不過,他們的貢獻(xiàn)每一小塊整體難題。當(dāng)你學(xué)會更多關(guān)于每個(gè)思想學(xué)派,它能把方面的每一個(gè)為了達(dá)到一個(gè)通知的合成。

傳統(tǒng)的區(qū)別是留給經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)兩種不同的方法,重點(diǎn)凱恩斯經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)和供方需求;(或古典)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、關(guān)注供應(yīng)。也都是典型的觀點(diǎn)完全排除其他,但大多數(shù)學(xué)校都往往清晰地強(qiáng)調(diào)一個(gè)或另一個(gè)是的理論基礎(chǔ)。
凱恩斯經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)交融在總需求,以解釋失業(yè)率和商業(yè)周期。商業(yè)周期波動,應(yīng)減少通過財(cái)政政策(政府花費(fèi)或多或少根據(jù)實(shí)際情況)和貨幣政策。早期凱恩斯主義的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)是“活動家,定期使用《召喚的政策穩(wěn)定資本主義經(jīng)濟(jì),雖然有些凱恩斯主義要求使用收入政策。
供給的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的作用很明顯地在當(dāng)前貨幣政策與財(cái)政政策。關(guān)注于貨幣政策應(yīng)該是完全對價(jià)格的錢所確定的貨幣供應(yīng)的需求的特點(diǎn),為了金錢。它提倡貨幣政策,直接目標(biāo)錢的價(jià)值,不目標(biāo)利率。典型的錢的價(jià)值在于用參考金或其他參考。財(cái)政政策的重點(diǎn)是提高政府農(nóng)業(yè)投資價(jià)值的收入為一個(gè)明確的認(rèn)識稅收的影響在國內(nèi)貿(mào)易。它設(shè)置了過度強(qiáng)調(diào)了說的法律,它表明不會發(fā)生經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退需求下降、因?yàn)闆]有缺錢。
貨幣主義的帶領(lǐng)下,由弗里德曼,認(rèn)為始終通貨膨脹是一種貨幣現(xiàn)象。財(cái)政政策拒絕,因?yàn)闀?dǎo)致“擠退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望對抗通貨膨脹或通貨緊縮采用主動需求管理在凱恩斯經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué),通過貨幣政策規(guī)則,即堅(jiān)持的增長速度恒定的錢。

凱恩斯?新經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)的部分原因是為了適應(yīng)新古典經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、致力于提供凱恩斯現(xiàn)代經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)顯示出了市場的不完善就能名正言順的需求管理等。
奧地利經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)是個(gè)自由放任主義的學(xué)校的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)。它側(cè)重于商業(yè)周期,而政府或中央銀行的干擾導(dǎo)致偏離自然失業(yè)率的興趣。
Post-Keynesian經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)所代表了凱恩斯經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)主流的作用,強(qiáng)調(diào)歷史過程中不確定性和宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)。
新古典經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)。原理論動力的費(fèi)用是凱恩斯經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)缺乏有效的微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)——亦即其斷言不成立于基本經(jīng)濟(jì)理論。這所學(xué)校出現(xiàn)在20世紀(jì)70年代。這所學(xué)校斷言它是沒有道理的主張經(jīng)濟(jì)會隨時(shí)out-of-equilibrium”。波動的總變量遵從的在這個(gè)社會的個(gè)人不斷re-optimizing新信息的狀態(tài)的世界就會顯現(xiàn)出來。后來取得了一個(gè)顯式學(xué)校一樣,認(rèn)為宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)沒有微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ),反而學(xué)習(xí)經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)的工具在平衡。

以經(jīng)濟(jì)新常態(tài)與形式發(fā)展為主題寫一篇800字的文章

文章說，主動適應(yīng)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展新常態(tài)，是中央經(jīng)濟(jì)工作會議提出的一項(xiàng)總體要求，對于準(zhǔn)確把握發(fā)展大勢、做好明年經(jīng)濟(jì)工作，具有重要意義。經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展進(jìn)入新常態(tài)，是中央審時(shí)度勢做出的重大戰(zhàn)略判斷。認(rèn)識新常態(tài)，適應(yīng)新常態(tài)，引領(lǐng)新常態(tài)，是當(dāng)前和今后一個(gè)時(shí)期我國經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的大邏輯，也是做好經(jīng)濟(jì)工作的基本前提。
文章指出，目前，我國經(jīng)濟(jì)增速從高速轉(zhuǎn)向中高速，增長結(jié)構(gòu)由中低端轉(zhuǎn)向中高端，發(fā)展動力從傳統(tǒng)增長點(diǎn)轉(zhuǎn)向新增長點(diǎn)。要?dú)v史、辯證地看待這些階段性特征和趨勢性變化，做到觀念上適應(yīng)、認(rèn)識上到位、方法上對路、工作上得力。

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